Industrial action in the UK has a long history, with strikes being recorded as early as the 1787 weaver’s strike in Calton, Glasgow.
Over the past 12 months, we have seen the largest levels of industrial action since the late 1980s, particularly since the start of 2023. On 1 February, over 500,000 workers walked out in disputes over pay and conditions. But looking at history, how likely are these strikes to be successful for the workers and union bosses championing them?
Organised mass industrial action increased throughout the industrial revolution, culminating in several major industrial disputes taking place just before and after the First World War. The most significant of these, and the most significant strike in British history, took place in 1926 when 1.5 million workers walked out in several key industries over a pay cut for miners. Britain was brought to a standstill for 12 days and it is remembered as Britain’s first, and so far only, general strike. 160 million working days were lost through the period and by lingering strikes across the year. This is compared to 2.5 million lost during 2022, and the estimated 500,000 workers that walked out on 1 February.
More public sector strikes, particularly in the coal industry, followed throughout the 1970s and early 1980s. The ‘winter of discontent’ was the most significant, where, in a parallel to the current strikes, public sector workers demanded pay rises amid a backdrop of high inflation. The 1984 miners strike was the last example of nationally crippling strikes, where 27 million days were lost to action. The major flashpoint in that dispute was the Battle of Orgreave, where striking miners and South Yorkshire Police clashed near Sheffield. This was seen as a major turning point in union power in the UK.
The most significant take-away from these strikes mentioned was that they were not successful. Sweeping new restrictions were imposed on trade unions by the government, both in the aftermath of 1926 and 1979, the latter of which allowed the then Leader of the Opposition, Margaret Thatcher, to develop hard anti-union legislation and to win the 1979 General Election. Mine closures continued after 1984, with the last deep-pit coal mine in Britain, at Kellingley, closing in 2015.
There are both similarities and differences between those historic walkouts and the current disputes. Strikes during the 70s and 80s focused on falling pay against a backdrop of high inflation. The main difference, however, is that the public sector plays a much less significant role in modern Britain compared to what it played during the 1980s, when the privatisation of many key industries took place. These included rail and energy, with some industries such as mining having disappeared altogether. This means that while strikes can cause major disruption, they do not have as much impact, and therefore unions don’t have as much power, as they once did.
Furthermore, in the aftermath of the winter of discontent, legislation was introduced by the government in order to restrict the actions of trade unions. This was extended in 1992, and again in 2016 with new laws requiring a 50% turnout of eligible members in the strike ballot in order for that strike to be legal. These new rules have prevented many current disputes from escalating as far as a strike, such as that of the NASUWT union of teachers in January of this year, who only managed a 42% turnout, even though most of those who voted, voted to strike.
Once again, the incumbent government is seeking to limit the power of unions through legislation, with the new Strikes (Minimum Service Levels) bill imposing minimum levels of service on key industries, such as healthcare and transport. This controversial new legislation could lead to workers being forced to cross picket lines that they voted for if told to by their employers, or face losing their protections from unfair dismissal.
Some unions appear to be closer to negotiating a pay settlement than others, with the UCU (responsible for university staff) and NHS unions suspending upcoming strike action in recent days in order to enter intense negotiations, while the RMT (railway staff) and PCS (civil servants, such as border force) appear far from a deal that would be approved by their members.
As for whether these strikes can be successful, that will largely be different from sector to sector. Public opinion polling shows that while opinion for most strikes, such as in the railway industry, is split along party lines, polling this January by the Guardian’s Opinium found that only 31% oppose nurses strikes, with a majority also supporting action by teachers and firefighters. While it is ultimately up to union members whether to accept pay deals and assurances about conditions and pensions, strikes in the NHS and potential future disputes by firefighters are the most likely to bring about a deal due to the high public support they hold. In turn, there will be further public opinion hits for the government should they turn to punitive measures to curb these strikes.
Legislation is the most powerful tool a government has to interfere in industrial disputes and bring about resolutions, and how they choose to apply the proposed minimum service levels will likely determine the outcome of disputes in the public sector, especially the ones with seemingly no resolution in sight. Unions have continued to stand firm against government pressure so far, so it will be interesting to see how this continues into the spring, with inflation still at 30 year highs.